Editor's Note

Since the publication of our last issue of ML, Taiwanese society has been struck by tremendous events, the profound ramifications of which are just unfolding. In early September, the Mailiao incident brought the plight of migrant workers to the whole society in an unprecedented scale. Just as we were to finalize our analysis, the 921 earthquake shook the island, not only physically, but also politically. Amidst the tragedies and turmoil, the hideous nature of Taiwanese society has been relentlessly exposed just like the upturned earth on the fault line.

We combined the 3rd and 4th issue of ML, hoping to bring to our readers reports and analysis on both events. Our reports are by no means conclusive, as the shock waves are still felt in all sectors of the society. We therefore welcome contributions from everyone on these two pieces of our collective experience.

Due to logistic difficulties, the Asia-Pacific Mission on Migrant Filipinos (APMMF) is no longer able to participate as a co-publisher of ML. Yet, APMMF will keep providing its regular and important contributions to the newsletter. Some readers have inquired about the subscription of ML. Since this is a free publication, we do not require any fee from readers. Just drop us a line at our address below, and we are more than happy to mail you the newsletter regularly. We do, however, accept donations. Please remittent your donations to the postal accounts below. Your support, in whatever amount, will be greatly appreciated.

Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the following supporters for helping publishing this issue.

• Cool Louder Web Technical support
• San-Jou Lin Editing
• Jonathan Lassen Translation
• Shu-Hui Jien NT1,000 donation
• Fang-Ping Liu NT2,000 donation
• Robert Hsu US$100 donation
• Chinese Telecommunication Workers Union

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編者的話

在上一期的火星報出版之後，台灣社會發生了天翻地覆的事件，這些事件的深遠影響才正要展開。九月初，麥寮事件以前所未有的規模把移工的苦痛呈現在大社會的眼前。而正當我們在總結這段經驗的時候，921大地震發生了，整個島嶼從自然到政治，無一不受到震撼。在無數的悲劇與混亂之中，台灣社會難以告人的本質如同斷層帶上的土壤一般被無情地暴露出來。

火星報第三、第四期的合刊希望帶給讀者們我們關於這兩個事件的初步報導和分析。這些報導絕不能窮盡事實，因為事件的餘波才剛剛在社會的各個角落發酵著。因而，我們企盼讀者們踴躍投稿，來共同探討我們的集體經驗。

由於人力與資源的短絀，亞太菲律賓移民組織(APMMF)暫時無法再承擔共同出版的任務。但是，APMMF仍然會持續地在稿件和其他方面貢獻於火星報。一些讀者來信詢問要如何訂閱火星報。由於這份出版品是免費的，只要您來信索取，我們一定定期寄上，毋須任何費用。我們歡迎您以樂捐的形式支持火星報的發行，請劃撥到下開帳號。一塊不嫌少、一萬不嫌多，我們會由衷感謝任何捐款。

感謝
本期刊物感謝以下朋友的熱心協助：

• 苦勞網 技術支援
• 林聲洲 排版
• 小賴 翻譯
• 簡淑慧 捐助1,000元
• 劉芳萍 捐助2,000元
• 許登源 捐助美金100元
• 中華電信工會

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Learning During a Crisis

Taiwan has witnessed both man-made and natural disasters in 1999. For the hard-working workers in Taiwan, the days are getting harder and harder. The month of September was particularly rough. In first week, a conflict broke out between migrant workers at the Sixth Naptha Cracker Plant in Mailiao, adding insult to injury to the migrant workers already working under harsh conditions. Then came the most devastating earthquake to hit Taiwan this century, sweeping away the hard-earned gains of workers throughout central Taiwan, and taking many lives as well.

We also watched as government officials were helpless to do anything to solve the plight of the people, even though their slogans of "help the victims" still echoed throughout the hills and towns. The "seriousness" of damage caused by the quake was made worse by incompetence and corruption! The "relief" given to residents was not the result of a vigilant media! And the "rebuilding" should not be on the backs of workers already bent with the weight of heavy mortgages. The workers should be given appropriate means to rebuild their houses and restart their lives!

After surviving the earthquake, victims are faced with an uncertain future. Hard-working and honest workers must be strong and alert! The careless treatment of workers exhibited in the hastily-constructed temporary housing is likely only the beginning, and we must continue to investigate. If we find something amiss in the way that victims are being treated by the government, we should persist in our efforts to improve it. We should learn in the midst of this crisis how the government is unable to maintain "harmony" between workers and capitalists, leaving only the workers to fend for themselves. Workers must learn to analyze the problems that emerge in order to protect workers' rights in the midst of the crisis.

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從危機中學習

1999年的台灣，天災人禍，噩耗頻傳。對於辛勤生活的勞工大眾而言，今年的日子顯然更是一場煎熬。光是一個多事的九月，我們便得付出多少代價才得以承擔：月初發生在移工身上、引起台灣社會廣泛關切的「麥寮六輕事件」，使得原已備受剝削、備受誤解的移住勞工在離鄉背井的工作及生活上雪上加霜；下旬接著一場突如其來的大地震，更殘酷地震毀了許多本地勞工經年累月的奮鬥——屋倒、人亡、前途茫茫。

我們看到「父母官」帶著急切的心，匆忙地想要收拾這些危機之後的殘局；我們卻也同時看到他們的無能為力——「群架」豈是因為口角！「解決」豈應是殺雞儆猴！「管理」豈應是一眛地監視與圍堵！再者，「災情的慘重」並非全肇因於天！「災後的補償」也並非透過媒體的吹捧便得以落實！「家園的重建」更不是在勞工身上施以重重的貸款，勞工們便得以妥貼地重整屋社、重拾生計！

經歷了嚴峻的考驗，面對沈重的未來，認真於樸實生活的勞工是得有著堅強與謹慎的心，卻不能就此閉上眼睛！如果移工群架問題的浮現僅是「冰山的一角」，我們仍應探究到底；如果賑助勞工的方法「不盡人意」，我們還是可以堅持改進。我們得從這些危機中學習到，政府或許為難地在維持著「勞資和諧」，所以能站在勞工立場上大聲說話的只有勞工自己。也只有學習紮實地以勞工立場分析危機所暴露出來的問題，我們才能自危機中找出得以保障勞工權益的轉機。

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There is Basis for Solidarity Between Local and Migrant Workers in Taiwan

Gi Estrada APMMF

A great number of workers in Taiwan wonder if there is really a basis for solidarity between them and migrant workers. This is further made difficult by a simplistic analysis made by some local groups that migrant workers are the main cause of unemployment and the lowering of local workers working conditions. They even state that the importation of foreign labor has lowered local industry's incentive to upgrade their production and that migrant workers cause a lot of social problems.

One important basis for solidarity between migrants and locals lies in the similarities in their working conditions. The similarities are prominent even though migrant workers are paid less and their working conditions are far worse than locals.

In the recently concluded Labor Summit organized by the National Federation of Industrial Unions in Kaohsiung on September 29-30 some of these similarities emerged. Local workers talked about the introduction of labor flexibility in the labor market. They mentioned the introduction of labor contractualization, which the Council of Labor Affairs (CLA) is encouraging. The second one is increasing overtime to as high as 96 hours a month without pay as long as the union agrees to this in writing. One of the workers from the Railway union also complained that his company did not grant his request for retirement even if he had worked for 25 years as is stipulated in the Labor Standards Law. The Railway Company is insisting that company rules state that workers could only retire if they reach the age of 65 years. Another worker also shared that many companies do not base their pension scheme on their regular pay but on a lower pay scale.

The local workers' experience in all four examples is very familiar to migrant workers. All migrants are contract workers with a two-year contract that can be extended to another year. When their contracts end, they get neither severance pay nor pension. Many migrants also are either not paid their overtime pay or are paid below that is stipulated in the Labor Standards Law. In the INFODISK Technology Co. factory in Taipei County, migrants are forced to work overtime in their days-off at piece rates which average $NT30 an hour. Those who refuse to do overtime are fined $NT 500 for the first offense and would be sent home if they refused a second time.

Most employers who make use of migrant workers also often breach the Labor Standards Law or even the employment contract that they signed with the migrants. In a number of factories, the minimum wage is not given outright but is given with certain conditions. Workers are paid between $NT9, 000 to $NT12, 000 as basic pay and the legal minimum wage would only be completed if they have perfect attendance, good performance and the like. Normally, employers also base the overtime pay on the actual basic wage and not on the legal minimum. Most domestic helpers and caregivers, especially in their first three months of work are not given any days-off. A number of them are only given once or twice a month of days-off.

Overall, why are the conditions of migrant workers and local workers similar on four counts? Employers generally want to maximize their profits even if they are earning billions of NT$. They do these by exploiting workers whether they are locals and migrants.

Knowing that there are possibilities for local and migrant workers to unite to fight for their rights, management tries to break the ties between workers. Filipino workers at Asustek, speak of their experiences that if local workers or even supervisors get too friendly with them, the migrants are transferred to night shift and the supervisors are moved to other departments or branches to avoid any form of solidarity between them.

The four similarities of the working conditions of the local and migrant workers earlier mentioned are all clear examples of labor flexibility measures being imposed by industrialized countries to extract more profit from labor. There is no other way for locals and migrants to go but unite in solidarity to stop exploitation of both sectors. Raising the migrant issue as if it were the main problem for local workers would only work for the interests of employers and would never lead to the advancement of the workers' movement in Taiwan. It would only lead to antagonism among workers and lead to the ugly specter of narrow nationalism instead of internationalism.

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本勞移工團結有基礎

紀‧艾斯特拉達 亞太菲律賓移民組織

許多台灣本地懷疑他們與移工是否有團結的條件。一些本地組織過度簡化的說法更讓這種懷疑加深。這種說法把本地工人的失業和勞動條件的惡化怪到移工頭上，甚至說移工阻礙了本地產業的升級、還帶來了不少社會問題。

本勞移工團結的一個重要基礎在於兩者共同面對的勞動條件的問題。即使移工的工資比本地工人低、工作條件比本地工人惡劣，工人們所面對的問題之類似仍然極為顯著。

在九月29─30日由全產總在高雄召開的勞工國是會議之中，許多本勞移工處境的相似處明顯地浮現出來。本地工人談到彈性勞動、變形工時的出現，指出勞委會鼓勵的短期勞動契約制度正在興起。另外，有人提到加班的問題，在變形工時之下，只要工會書面同意，雇主可以要求工人加班每月96小時，卻不用付加班費。一位台鐵工會的老會員說，他日前申請退休時，雖然已經年資滿25年以上，符合勞基法規定的退休年資，但是資方仍然拿內規作根據，要求他要年滿65歲才能退休。還有人提到許多公司以很低的基本薪資而不是平均薪資來算退休金的問題。

這四個例子之中台灣工人的經驗，許多移工都很熟悉。首先，所有的移工都是兩年一期的契約工，頂多能再延一年。契約結束後他們既沒有資遣費，也沒有退休金。在加班上，許多移工不是領不到加班費，就是領到比勞基法所規定的還少。在台北縣的INFODISK工廠的移工，被資方強迫在休假日加班，只拿到平均每小時約三十元的計件工資。拒絕加班的，第一次會被罰款五百元，第二次就會被遣返。

大部分雇用移工的雇主根不但公然違反勞基法，甚連他們自己和移工簽訂的契約也不遵守。在很多工廠裡，移工人要拿到法定最低工資，就必須要達到雇主訂出的種種條件。有些移工只拿取九千至一萬兩千元的底薪，必須加上全勤、表現優良等各式各樣的津貼才能得到法定最低工資。通常，雇主是依照實際的底薪而不是法定最低工資來給加班費。在休假方面，大部分的幫傭和看護，在來台的頭三個月根本沒有任何的休假。有些則是每個月只有一次或兩次休假。

為什麼移工和外勞的勞動條件如此相似？歸根結底，就是雇主不管自己賺了幾億元，還是要追求最大的利潤。他們的利潤來自剝削工人，不管是移工或本勞。

資本家知道本勞移工可以團結起來爭權益，因此，他們就盡力要分化工人們的感情。在華碩電子工廠的菲律賓移工談到他們的經驗。如果那個本地工人、甚至領班跟他們親近起來的時候，移工就會被調到夜班，領班會被調到其他部門或分廠，以消滅移工和本勞團結的一切可能性。

以上這些例子事實上都是工業國家用來從工人身上榨出更多利潤的所謂「勞動彈性化」的措施。本地工人和移工除了團結一致之外，不可能消滅彼此共同面對的剝削。把移工說成是本地工人問題的源頭，只會便宜了雇主，而不能使台灣的工人運動進步。這會導致工人間的衝突、會召喚出狹隘民族主義的惡靈，而讓人忘了國際主義。

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Important news collection

National Conference on Job Security

The Council for Labor Affairs sponsored the National Conference on Job Security, which lasted from September 14-15. Before the conference got under way, activists at ICLE performed a skit and chanted slogans to express their dissatisfaction with the conference. ICLE said that the government has to pay closer attention to industrial change if it wants to end unemployment, including the transfer of factories abroad, factory closures, and the importation of migrant laborers. ICLE also stated that the government must examine what effect entering the WTO, privatization, and other government policies will have on unemployment. It is not acceptable to reduce the question of job security in Taiwan to issues like occupational training and job assistance.

National Labor Conference

The Promoting Committee for National Confederation of Trade Unions(PCNCTU) held the first National Labor Conference in Kaohsiung on September 29-30, discussing political, economic, and social issues related to labor in Taiwan. A joint statement was issued after the meeting, to serve as a model for the labor policies of presidential candidates. The statement includes a clause regarding migrant labor: "There are only capitalists and workers in this world, and we should work in solidarity with our brothers and sisters to struggle against the ever-increasing power of international capital."

Sincere Thanks to Migrant Friends

The Catholic Hope Center held a church service and donation drive entitled "Love Knows No Borders" on Sept. 27. 700-800 Filipino and Thai workers were in attendance to pray for victims of the earthquake and present their donations. Special donations and material support were given to Aboriginal victims of the quake. The Taiwan Aboriginal Tungchou Association and the Jenai Township Government Office expressed that they were moved by the concern shown by migrant workers for the Aboriginal people of Taiwan, who also occupy the bottom rung of the social ladder in Taiwan. The weather is getting colder in Nantou County, but the sincere show of kindness by migrant workers has brought some warmth, said Aboriginal representatives.

Anniversary Celebrations of the IFUGAO Organization Migrant workers spend their days off in the Taipei Train Station, near the church on Chungshan North Road, or in the 228 park, but workers from IFUGAO Province held a different kind of activity on September 12. The workers celebrated the one year anniversary of the founding of the IFUGAO Organization, complete with traditional dancing, singing, and a raffle drawing. The IFUGAO Organization began as a social organization, but now holds regular meetings and occasionally sponsors workshops to give members a chance to exchange their experiences about working in Taiwan, and share the difficulties of working abroad.

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移住勞工重要新聞選集

■全國就業安全會議

勞委會於9月14、15日舉辦「國家就業安全會議」，遭到勞工團體譏為大拜拜。在開幕前，工委會演出行動劇及大呼口號，以表達對此次會議的不滿。工委會表示，要解決台灣的失業問題，必須正視產業結構變動下所引發的現象，如：產業外移、惡性關廠及外勞引進等；並且有關加入WTO及民營化等整體的政策性問題，必須以跨部會的形式，進行檢討評估。將目前台灣的就業安全問題矮化為職業訓練、就業輔導，是政府避重就輕的狗官心態。
■勞工國是會議

全國產業總工會推動籌備委員會於9月29、30日在高雄市召開「勞工國是會議」，針對與勞工相關的經濟問題、社會制度、政治參與等方面的議題做討論，會後並發佈會議共識，做為檢証明年總統大選各總統候選人所提出的勞工政策的指標。有關移住勞工議題之會議共識如下： 「世界上只有分資本家與工人，我們不應該跟外籍兄弟姊妹不分彼此，唯有團結在一起才能對抗日益強大的國際資本勢力。」

■患難見真情 感謝外勞朋友雪中送炭

天主教希望職工中心於9月27日在中壢舉行「愛心無國界，外勞募款賑災暨祈福大會」，現場聚集了七、八百位泰、菲籍外勞為所有災胞祈福、捐款，並特別強調要對原住民災胞提供援助。台灣原住民同舟協會及仁愛鄉公所表示，看到外籍勞工朋友們基於同為台灣社會的底層勞工、同為台灣社會中的弱勢族群立場，捐出他們的關懷與愛心，在愈漸冷冽的南投災區，原住民因為外勞朋友真誠的雪中送炭而不再感到孤單。

■義富高組織週年慶

每個禮拜天，除了在台北火車站和聖多福堂，228公園通常也聚集了休假的移工。有的兩兩成雙，有的則是一群群席地而坐、野餐聊天。 9月12日，來自菲律賓義富高省的移工，舉辦成立組織一週年的慶祝活動，並且也有來自其他省分的移工一起參與傳統舞蹈、歌唱、摸彩等活動。義富高組織在成立之初以聯誼性質為主，目前則希望透過定期聚會及不定期的工作坊，加深組織成員在台工作的經驗分享，共同分擔在異鄉工作的甘苦。

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Kosova miners locked out by NATO

The biggest company in Kosova is the 'Trepca' company based upon the rich mineral mines in Kosova. Under the constitution of ex- Yugoslavia this company was 'social property'. However all Albanian employees were locked out of their jobs in 1990. Throughout these last years the trade union has tried to protect miners' property and assert the right of miners to return to work. For several years this protest was directed at the Milosevic regime, now they have a new problem: French KFOR (Kosova Force) troops have occupied the mines and metal processing plants and refuse to allow workers' access. Over these years the miners have lost everything that they have created by their work. Their families now have nothing. In the last year 33 members of union have been killed, 11 are missing and many of their houses are destroyed.

Workers were hopeful that after the war, with the end of the violence organised by Milosevic, they would be able to retake control of our mines and factories. They have drawn up plans to resume production, including drawing up a budget to obtain necessary machinery etc, but unfortunately the International Community does not seem to recognize their rights. Even though they have prepared plan to restart production, which would benefit the whole Kosova community, especially the miners, they are prevented by French KFOR troops from entering the mine, even to try to ensure that flooding does not occur. Workers have held meetings with KFOR and UNMIK (United Nations Mission in Kosova) but they cannot get any agreement from them. Therefore on July 27th this year they held a protest demonstration outside the mine with the slogan 'Allow us to work and live from our jobs.'

Despite the protests they remain locked out. So they want to step up protests and for this they are asking for international support and solidarity. They are planning more protests marches and if they are not successful they are prepared, eventually, to start a hunger strike outside the mine gates.

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Q&A

Q:What taxes do migrant workers have to pay, and will they get their taxes refunded to them?

A:Migrant workers must file their taxes for the previous year between February 20-31, but this is usually handled by employers.

Tax rates for foreign workers depends on the amount of time they have spent in Taiwan: The tax rate is 6% for workers who have resided in Taiwan over 183 days during a one-year period.

That is, workers who entered the country on or before July 2 of the previous year qualify for a tax rate of 6%.

The tax rate is 20% for workers who have resided in Taiwan under 183 days. That is, workers who entered the country on or after July 3 of the previous year qualify for a tax rate of 20%. Note: Workers who reside in Taiwan for under 183 days the previous year must begin counting their period of residence beginning on January 1 of the next year. They must still pay a tax rate of 20% for that year until they reside 183 days in that year.

For example, if you arrive in Taiwan on October 1, 1998 and leave on June 1, 1999, you must pay a tax rate of 20% for the 1998 as the total residence time in Taiwan is less than 183 days (31+30+31=92 days); the tax rate for 1999 is also 20% as you will not have resided in Taiwan for more than 183 days (31+28+31+30+31+1=152 days) Refunded taxes can be collected in September of each year.

Q : What is the difference between craft union and industrial union?

A: In Taiwan's trade union law, trade unions are divided into craft unions and industrial unions. Members of craft union are workers of the same craft, such as tailors or carpenters. Industrial unions are composed of workers of each individual workplace: a factory, an office, etc. Members of industrial unions tend to be genuine working class. Yet, since their organizations are confined to each individual workplace, they are not big enough to bargain meaningfully with their employers. Therefore, it's vital for the industrial unions to form federations.

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Q&A

Q：請問移住勞工繳稅與退稅相關問題，到底是怎麼一回事？ A：移住勞工的繳稅與退稅相關事宜，說明如下：

一、 報稅時間：每年的二月二十日至三月三十一日，申報前一年度之所得稅。 註：通常雇主會替移工們辦理。

二、 稅率：

稅率之計算因前一年度在台天數而有所不同：

1.在台183天以上者，適用6％之稅率。
即7月2日以前（含7月2日）入境者，要交薪資的6％為所得稅。

2.在台未超過183天者，適用20％之稅率。
即7月3日以後（含7月3日）入境者，要交薪資的20％為所得稅。

註：未住滿183天者，下一年在台天數需重新計算。若仍未住滿183天，亦須付薪資20％為所得稅。

如：1998年10月1日入境1999年6月1日離境者，1998年因未住滿183天（31+30+31＝92）所以應繳薪資的20％為所得稅；1999年因也沒有住滿183天（31+28+31+30+31+1＝152）所以亦需繳薪資的20％為所得稅。

三、 退稅：每年9月可領到上一年度的退稅額。

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A Single Sparkle

Ho Ching Taiwanese critic in U.S.

I would like to congratulate ML on their first issue, and express my sincere hope that the magazine helps to pull the labor movement in Taiwan away from its narrow, national focus. There have been struggles in Taiwan that have pointed towards international solidarity, the correct way in struggling against international capital. We have a great deal to learn in this respect from Filipino workers. Many of the contradictions in Taiwanese society are directly linked to the alliance between global capital, local capitalists and the KMT. If capital is globalizing, can the labor movement afford not to? Don't forget, the struggles in 1988 among the local bus companies were linked to the KMT's transportation policy, and foreign capitalist pressure to export cars to Taiwan. Is the government's policy of "privatization" and entering the WTO not related to foreign efforts to break monopolies in Taiwan? ML provides us with an excellent chance for the labor movement in Taiwan to rethink these issues.

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星星之火

何青 旅美評論家

火星有居民，其名曰移住勞工，星火在台灣人的心裡。何青在此恭賀《火星報》創刊，並希望ＭＬ的精神對台灣工運脫出島國心態有正面的影嚮。過去臺灣有些鬥爭的經驗指出國際化的聯合，才是反對國際資本正確的方向。在這方面，菲律賓的工人的鬥爭知識和經驗有很多值得我們學習的地方。目前，台灣的許多社會矛盾歸根究底都離不開國際資本、本地資本和國民黨政權的壟斷利益和權力聯合統治的問題。資本國際化，工人的鬥爭不國際化行嗎﹖大家想一想，1988年開始的基客、桃客、台客．．．等鬥爭和國民黨的大眾運輸政策背後跟國際資本的輸入私人轎車有沒有關係﹖當前所謂「公營企業私有化」的政策和ＷＴＯ（根據台灣沒權參加的「烏拉歸回合談判」）對台灣要求開放壟斷企業沒有關係嗎﹖《火星報》的出現提供給我們對台灣的工運方向和策略一個很好的反省機會。

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Pam, Cel, Jo, Pearl, Isme, Susan, Liza ── OFW

Rita Filipino Worker in Taiwan

Tears can not describe

The pain we feel in our hearts

Every time we see

The four corners of a semi-prison

That is Taiwan

What have we done

To suffer like this

Of sins we have not committed

Is this salvation or made by man

By persons without mercy and pity

Is it a sin if we have no money

That forced us to work abroad

Are our sweat and energy not enough

That we channel to our work

For the crumbs that we get in return

Is poverty God sent

This we should ponder

And understand why we live in misery

Struggling hard in the land of foreigners

OFW, our countrymen call us

But those in power ignore us

Whose only interest are our earnings

And we are made into milking cows

May I ask you

Is this just!!!

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潘、賽爾、喬、珍珠、依斯瑪、 蘇珊、麗莎： 記海外菲律賓勞工

芮妲 菲籍在台移工

淚水無法訴說心靈的痛楚

每當我們環顧這牢籠似的空間

便知道

這就是台灣

究竟是為了什麼

我們背負著不曾犯的罪

並且因此受苦

難道是為了人世的救贖

抑或是

由於那些心無憐憫的人們所為

我們迫於貧窮而出國工作

難道這就是罪過嗎

在勞動中所流下的血汗

難道不足以換來麵包屑

我們應當思量

貧窮是不是上帝所降下

又為何我們活在悲苦中

在別人的土地上奮鬥

海外菲律賓勞工，同胞如此稱呼我們

然而，當權者總忽略我們所受之苦

把我們當成乳牛一般

只在意我們所掙的一分一毫

讓我請問您

這一切是否正義

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Information

*Entering and leaving: The policy for entering or leaving the Sixth Naptha Cracker Plant depends on the management company. Workers are presently given two days off a month. On days off, the management company ships the workers to Taichung or Chiayi for religious services or free activities. Workers are fined NT$6,000-10,000 if they spend the night outside the work area. Entering and leaving the work area is usually allowed after the day's work is completed, but the low wages of the workers means they cannot afford frequent transportation to and from the work site. Most workers remain on the work site to save money.

*Meals are provided by the management company. A canteen is set up for each 1-2 camp, feeding between 700-1,000 people. The meals at the OL-2 camp housing Filipino workers includes a main dish, a soup, and rice. Thai and Indonesian workers at the Haifeng Area share the same canteen.

*Migrant Labor Wages:

Company Nominal Monthly Wages (NT$) Actual Monthly Wage (NT$)

Formosa Plastics

Samsung Construction

CTCI

Chie-lu Engineering

Tampang Cleaning Company

Note: A Singaporean foreman for the Samsung Construction Company said that daily wages for Thai workers of Formosa Plastic is NT$1,200. Formosa Plastic keeps NT$600, and after subtracting for food, lodging, and management fees by Samsung, Thai workers earn NT$550 a day. NT$5,000 a month is taken for forced savings, another NT$5,000 is taken by the broker(for 6 months), leaving workers NT$5,000 a month.

*Lodging for Migrant Workers: Each lodging area for migrant workers is called a camp, and is given a label (Mitsubishi Contractors separate camps by nationality to facilitate management).

Each camp includes between 5-6 buildings, each 5m wide and 20m long, and two bathrooms, each 5m wide and 12m long. Each building is divided into a white and green section. The white sections are air-conditioned, and green sections are not. Only the offices and electrical generating room are air-conditioned.

Some of the green residential areas have been subdivided into smaller rooms, while others remain as a large open room. Subdivided buildings have been divided into 12-14 rooms, each holding 10 people, while undivided buildings can hold up to 200.

The bathroom doubles as an area for washing clothes, but does not have adequate drainage equipment. Dirty water has to be hauled out by hand.

One television is set up in a building in each camp to play videocassettes for the workers.

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訊息櫥窗

*移工出入：基本上，移工出入六輕廠區，因各公司管理的不同而異。目前大致每月公休2日。管理單位都會將移工載至台中或嘉義參加天主教會活動或自行活動。在營區外過夜要罰款，6,000---10,000元不等。此外，每日放工後的一般性進出是允許的。但由於移工每月零用金太少，所以大都為節省交通費用（往返需100元）而避免離開營區。

*移工三餐：三餐由管理單位提供。每一或二營設食堂一棟，供700---1000人用餐。菲律賓勞工OL-2營區食堂每餐一菜一湯和白飯。海豐區泰國和印尼勞工混居區，兩營共用一食堂。


*移工工資：各國移工待遇因各公司而有所差異。 如： 公司名 移工月薪（元） 移工實領（元）

台塑 三星建設 中鼎工程（CTCI） 捷祿工程 Tampang清潔公司

註：據一名三星建設新加坡領班表示，三星泰國勞工每天工資1,200元，其中台塑拿走600元，三星扣除食宿及管理費，泰國勞工一日實得550元。薪資中5,000元為強迫儲蓄，5000元交仲介業者（應繳六個月），另外5,000元自用。

*移工住宿：移工宿舍統一以營（Camp）作為單位稱呼，前面冠以單位名稱。（三星建設宿舍還會冠以住宿移工國籍，以利區別）

一營有宿舍5至6棟；每棟寬5公尺，長20公尺；盥洗間兩棟，每棟寬5公尺，長12公尺。

區內宿舍分成白、綠兩系；白系有空調系統，綠系則無；綠系除宿舍外，還包括辦公地點和發電組（辦公地點和發電組皆有空調）。 綠系宿舍分隔間與通舖兩種；隔間者，一棟分成12---14間不等；每間10人，每棟120---140人；通舖者，容納200人。

盥洗間充作浴室、洗衣室和廁所；無管路排水肥，肥水用抽取式。

一個營區有一棟宿舍備有電視，供移工觀賞錄影帶之用。

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About the Conflict at Mailiao

Tang Shu Labor Rights Association

The site for the Sixth Naptha Cracker Plant in Mailiao, Yunlin County is almost completely separated from the township surrounding it. Migrant workers have to take buses out of the plant to get where they want to go. Few people visit the site, but conflicts between workers on August 25 and again on September 5 brought the area to the media's attention.

There was a number of reactions to the conflict at the plant. Formosa Plastics, the employer, blamed the Korean labor management company, but the company claimed they had done all they were supposed to do, and said that perhaps if the number of translators was increased to 1:50 workers from 1:200 workers, things would improve. Other "experience" companies said that workers of different nationalities should not be put together, and workers should not be allowed to drink under any circumstances. The Council for Labor Affairs stressed that the three Filipino workers who had caused the problems had already been sent home, and the CLA had set a cap on the number and length of stay of workers imported by Formosa Plastics. The CLA also announced that they had fined the Korean management company and labor brokers involved between NT$3,000-30,000 for violating the Service Act. The labor brokers were also forced to shut down their operations, and hand in their licenses. Local residents were concerned about the conflict. They were also angry about the host of promises broken by Formosa Plastic, and declared they were out to "put an end" to the business.

Of course, the actual problem still needs to be looked at more carefully. The news reports and opinions are reactions to the problem after it exploded, and overlook key issues. First, Formosa Plastics is the company that imported the laborers, and is responsible for them. The company should not try to shift responsibility to other companies. It's too late to bring up points now like bad communication with the Korean labor management company, increasing the number of translators, prohibiting the workers from drinking alcohol, etc. Increasing the number of translators would not improve the poor working conditions or lengthen break time. Regardless of whether a single nationality of worker or several work together, if work stress is high, then conflict will erupt. Moreover, in most cases migrant laborers in Taiwan work with local workers, as most companies are limited to importing 18% of their work force from abroad (lowered from 24% six months ago), unlike large investment projects, which do not need to follow these limits. Yet similar problems have not arisen between local and foreign workers! Drinking is common to people throughout the world (other than many Indonesian workers,cause of the conflict was not that the workers drink, and instead we should ask why they wanted to drink? Perhaps just to relieve pressure? Then what is the reason for the conflict?

The CLA's policies are little more than afterthoughts, and make an error of principle. Everyone knows that sending workers home will not solve the problem. The CLA said they will carry out inspections of all companies that employ more than 200 migrant labors between now and December, and will cap importation limits of those companies found in violation. The CLA will also inspect a number of the smaller companies, randomly chosen. This is too late. Most of companies in Taiwan are small-medium enterprises, with less than 200 employees total. Many violators are bound to slip through the CLA's grasp. Moreover, the fines imposed by the CLA are too light, and will not prevent companies or brokers from continuing to violate the law. Finally, there are not enough labor inspectors in Taiwan, and migrant workers are trapped by their contract with their employers. Since there is no other way to resolve the problems, conflict erupt. The media in Taiwan has recently focused on blue collar workers in industry, but has overlooked migrant domestic workers and healthcare workers, who are often heavily exploited, without protection, but also removed from view.

Of course the culture, language, lifestyle, etc., of peoples around the world are all different, but this is not the main reason for the conflict between migrant workers in Taiwan. If this were the case, how would we explain the peaceful coexistence of migrant and local workers? Difference may create friction during work, but this will not necessarily expand to a conflict between thousands of workers. In the latest conflict in Mailiao, Thai workers requested that the company improve their living conditions and work environment. We should look at this request more carefully.

The reaction of nearby residents is understandable. The area is a fishing community in slow decline. The residents were hoping that the industrial park near their home would bring them prosperity, but all it brought was pollution, a host of broken promises, and conflicts between migrant workers. Their sense of unease is now a shared feeling among most people in Taiwan, but migrant workers should not be used as a scapegoat.

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